Timeline of World History TIMELINE OF WORLD HISTORY




1600 - 1699

1600-09 1610-19 1620-29 1630-39 1640-49 1650-59 1660-69 1670-79 1680-89 1690-99  
1600 1610 1620 1630 1640 1650 1660 1670 1680 1690  
1601 1611 1621 1631 1641 1651 1661 1671 1681 1691  
1602 1612 1622 1632 1642 1652 1662 1672 1682 1692  
1603 1613 1623 1633 1643 1653 1663 1673 1683 1693  
1604 1614 1624 1634 1644 1654 1664 1674 1684 1694  
1605 1615 1625 1635 1645 1655 1665 1675 1685 1695  
1606 1616 1626 1636 1646 1656 1666 1676 1686 1696  
1607 1617 1627 1637 1647 1657 1667 1677 1687 1697  
1608 1618 1628 1638 1648 1658 1668 1678 1688 1698  
1609 1619 1629 1639 1649 1659 1669 1679 1689 1699  
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1640 - 1649
History at a Glance
1640 Part I
Short Parliament
Long Parliament
Second Bishops' War
Battle of Newburn
Treaty of Ripon
John IV of Portugal
William George
Ibrahim of the Ottoman Empire
Acosta Uriel
Eliot John
1640 Part II
Behn Aphra
Brome Richard
Richard Brome: "The Antipodes"
Wycherley William
Rembrandt: "Self Portrait at the Age of 34"
Jacob Jordaens: "Prometheus Bound"
1640 Part III
Coysevox Antoine
Antoine Coysevox
Philippe de Champaigne: "Triple Portrait of Cardinal Richelieu"
Louis Le Vau: Hotel Lambert
Abo University, Finland
Howell James
James Howell: "Dodona's Grove"
Fort St George
1641 Part I
Wentworth Thomas
Irish Rebellion of 1641
Louis, Count of Soissons
Battle of Wolfenbuttel
1641 Part II
Habington William
Wither George
John Milton: "Of Reformation Touching Church Discipline in England"
Velez de Guevara
Evelyn John
Frans Hals: "The Governors of St. Elizabeth Hospital"
Claude Lorraine: "Embarkation of St. Ursula"
Ribera: "Mary Magdalene in the Desert"
1641 Part III
Nicolas Poussin: "The Seven Sacraments"
David Teniers: "The Kermis at the Half Moon Inn "
Monteverdi: "II Ritorno d'Ulisse in patria"
Dunster Henry
1642 Part I
Second Battle of Breitenfeld
English Civil Wars
Battle of Edgehill
Berkeley William
Fuller Thomas
Thomas Hobbes: "De cive"
1642 Part II
Corneille: "Polyeucte"
The closure of the theaters by the Puritans
Weise Christian
Mansart: Maisons Lafitte
Rembrandt: "The Night Watch"
Monteverdi: "L'incoronazione di Poppea"
1642 Part III
Newton Isaac
Isaac Newton
Tasman Abel
South Island
Briare Canal
1643 Part I
Siege of Reading
Battle of Chalgrove
Storming of Bristol
Siege of Gloucester
First Battle of Newbury
Treaty of Oxford
Battle of Rocroi
Battle of Tuttlingen
"Mercurius Aulicus"
Nedham Marchmont
New England Confederation
1643 Part II
Baker Richard
Mezeray Frangois
John Milton: "The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce"
Roger Williams: "Key into the Language of America"
"Illustre Theatre"
Velazquez: " Self-Portrait"
Georges La Tour: "The Penitent Magdalen"
1643 Part III
Cavalli: "Egisto"
Abel Tasman: First voyage (Tonga, Fiji)
1644 Part I
Relief of Newark
Battle of Nantwich
Battle of Marston Moor
Second Battle of Newbury
Siege of Newcastle
Battle  of Shanhaikuan
Wu San-kuei
Li Tzu-ch’eng
Battle  of Shanhaikuan
Qing dynasty
Penn William
1644 Part II
Rene Descartes: "Principia philosophicae"
Hammond Henry
Mainwaring Henry
John Milton: "Areopagitica"
Rutherford Samuel
Innocent X
Pegnesischer Blumenorden
Abraham a Sancta Clara
Chinese ceramic
1644 Part III
Jacques Lemercier: Val- de-Grace Church
Rembrandt: "Woman Taken in Adultery"
Teniers: "Kitchen Scene"
Stradivari Antonio
Biber Heinrich
Heinrich Biber - Requiem
Heinrich Ignaz Franz von Biber
Dutch Mauritius
Abel Tasman: Secont voyage
1645 Part I
Treaty of Uxbridge
New Model Army
Battle of Naseby
Fairfax Thomas
Battle of Langport
Siege of Chester
Battle of Rowton Heath
Battle of Jankau
Battle of Mergentheim
Aleksey Mikhailovich
Cretan War
Cretan War (1645–69)
1645 Part II
Digby Kenelm
Potala Palace
John Milton: "L'Allegro"
John Milton: "Il Penseroso"
Jacob Jordaens: "Apostles Paul and Barnabas in Lystra"
Teniers: "Interior scene"
1645 Part III
Claude Lorrain: "The Judgement of Paris"
Sacrati Francesco
Heinrich Schutz: "Die sieben Worte Christi am Kreuz"
Charpentier Marc-Antoine
Charpentier -  Miserere, Part 1
Marc-Antoine Charpentier
1646 Part I
Swedish army had reached Bavaria by 1646
Battle of Torrington
Battle of Stow-on-the-Wold
Sieges of Newark
Siege of Oxford
Leibniz Gottfried Wilhelm
Taylor Jeremy
Rotrou Jean
Shirley James
1646 Part II
Hardouin-Mansart Jules
Jules Hardouin-Mansart
Murillo: "The Angel's Kitchen"
Rembrandt: "The Holy Family with a Curtain"
Jan van Goyen: "Country House near the Water"
Stobaus Johann
Stobaus - Gleichwie der liebe Sonnenschein
Johann Stobaus
Theile Johann
Theile - Wie! Charatille, muß es sein?
Johann Theile
Kircher Athanasius
Magic lantern
1647 Part I
Truce of Ulm
Charles I taken prisoner
William II, Prince of Orange
Mary, Princess Royal
Bayle Pierre
May Thomas
1647 Part II
Claude Lorrain: "Landscape with Rest in Flight to Egypt"
Rembrandt: "Susannah and the Two Old Men"
Humfrey Pelham
Pelham Humfrey - Magnificat
Pelham Humfrey
Hevelius Johannes
1648 Part I
Second and third English Civil Wars
Battle of Maidstone
Siege of Colchester
Battle of Preston
Frederick III of Denmark
Battle of Zusmarshausen
Battle of Lens
Peace of Westphalia
John II Casimir
The Thirty Years War, 1618-48
1648 Part II
Society of Friends (Quakers)
Society of Friends
Lilburne John
Stearne John
Tzevi Shabbetai
Claude Lorrain: "Embarcation of the Queen of Sheba"
Rembrandt: "The Pilgrims at Emmaus"
Ribera: "The Holy Family with St. Catherine"
Heinrich Schutz: "Musicalia ad chorum sacrum"
Hydrochloric acid
Wilkins John
Murano glass
1649 Part I
The First Fronde
Louis, Grand Conde
Claire-Clemence de Maille-Breze
High Court of Justice for the trial of Charles I
Peace of Rueil
Commonwealth of Nations
Siege of Drogheda
Sack of Wexford
Mehmed IV
Siege of Candia
Charles I and the English Civil Wars, 1625-49
1649 Part II
Maryland Toleration Act
Rene Descartes: "Les Passions de l'ame"
John Milton: "The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates"
Velazquez: "Venus at her Mirror"
Kalf Willem
Willem Kalf
Cavalli: "Giasone"
Torelli Giuseppe
Torelli: Concerto grosso
Giuseppe Torelli
Blow John
John Blow - Venus & Adonis
John Blow
Isbrand van Diemerbroeck

The Battle of Rocroi, 19 May 1643
YEAR BY YEAR:  1600 - 1699
1643 Part I
English Civil War: Cavaliers lose Bradford, are defeated by Cromwell (Cromwell Oliver) at Grantham, take Bristol, are beaten in Battle of Newbury;
Roundheads victorious at Leeds, Reading, Wakefield, Gainsborough, Gloucester

Cavalier was the name used by Parliamentarians for a supporter of King Charles I and his son Charles II during the English Civil War, the Interregnum, and the Restoration (1642 – c. 1679). Cavaliers were also known as Royalists. Prince Rupert, commander of much of Charles I's cavalry, is often considered an archetypical Cavalier. Their clothes were leather knee high boots, tunics and hats complete with plumes

Early usage
Cavalier derives from the same Latin root as the French word chevalier (as well as the Spanish word caballero), the Vulgar Latin word caballarius, meaning “horseman”. Shakespeare used the word cavaleros to describe an overbearing swashbuckler or swaggering gallant in Henry IV, Part 2, in which Shallow says "I'll drink to Master Bardolph, and to all the cavaleros about London."
English Civil War
"Cavalier" is chiefly associated with the Royalist supporters of King Charles I in his struggle with Parliament in the English Civil War. It first appears as a term of reproach and contempt, applied to the followers of King Charles I in June 1642:

1642 (June 10) Propositions of Parlt. in Clarendon v. (1702) I. 504 Several sorts of malignant Men, who were about the King; some whereof, under the name of Cavaliers, without having respect to the Laws of the Land, or any fear either of God or Man, were ready to commit all manner of Outrage and Violence. 1642 Petition Lords & Com. 17 June in Rushw. Coll. III. (1721) I. 631 That your Majesty..would please to dismiss your extraordinary Guards, and the Cavaliers and others of that Quality, who seem to have little Interest or Affection to the publick Good, their Language and Behaviour speaking nothing but Division and War.
—Oxford English Dictionary "Cavalier"

Charles, in the Answer to the Petition June 13, 1642 speaks of Cavaliers as a "word by what mistake soever it seemes much in disfavour". It was soon reappropriated (as a title of honour) by the king's party, who in return applied Roundhead to their opponents, and at the Restoration the court party preserved the name, which survived till the rise of the term Tory.
Cavalier was not understood at the time as primarily a term describing a style of dress, but a whole political and social attitude. However, in modern times the word has become more particularly associated with the court fashions of the period, which included long flowing hair in ringlets, brightly coloured with elaborate trimmings and lace collars and cuffs, and plumed hats.
Engraving depicting Charles I and his adherents
This contrasted with the dress of at least the most extreme Roundhead supporters of Parliament, with their preference for shorter hair and plainer dress, although neither side conformed to the stereotypical images entirely. Most Parliamentarian generals wore their hair at much the same length as their Royalist counterparts, though Cromwell was something of an exception. In fact the best patrons in the nobility of the archetypal recorder of the Cavalier image, Charles I's court painter Sir Anthony van Dyck, all took the Parliamentary side in the Civil War. Probably the most famous image identified as of a "cavalier", Frans Hals' Laughing Cavalier, in fact shows a gentleman from the strongly Calvinist Dutch town of Haarlem, and is dated 1624. These derogatory terms (for at the time they were so intended) also showed what the typical Parliamentarian thought of the Royalist side – capricious men who cared more for vanity than the nation at large.

The Wounded Cavalier by William Shakespeare Burton
The chaplain to King Charles I, Edward Simmons described a Cavalier as "a Child of Honour, a Gentleman well borne and bred, that loves his king for conscience sake, of a clearer countenance, and bolder look than other men, because of a more loyal Heart." There were many men in the Royalist armies who fit this description since most of the Royalist field officers were typically in their early thirties, married with rural estates which had to be managed. Although they did not share the same outlook on how to worship God as the English Independents of the New Model Army, God was often central to their lives. This type of Cavalier was personified by Lord Jacob Astley whose prayer at the start of the Battle of Edgehill has become famous "O Lord, Thou knowest how busy I must be this day. If I forget Thee, do not forget me."

At the end of the First Civil War Astley gave his word that he would not take up arms again against Parliament and having given his word he felt duty bound to refuse to help the Royalist cause in the Second Civil War.
  However, the word was coined by the Roundheads as a pejorative propaganda image of a licentious, hard drinking and frivolous man, who rarely, if ever, thought of God. It is this image which has survived and many Royalists, for example Henry Wilmot, 1st Earl of Rochester, fitted this description to a tee. Of another Cavalier, Lord Goring a general in the Royalist army, the principal advisor to Charles II, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon, said that he "would, without hesitation, have broken any trust, or done any act of treachery to have satisfied an ordinary passion or appetite; and in truth wanted nothing but industry (for he had wit, and courage, and understanding and ambition, uncontrolled by any fear of God or man) to have been as eminent and successful in the highest attempt of wickedness as any man in the age he lived in or before.
Of all his qualifications dissimulation was his masterpiece; in which he so much excelled, that men were not ordinarily ashamed, or out of countenance, with being deceived.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


"Roundhead" was the name given to the supporters of the Parliament during the English Civil War. Also known as Parliamentarians, they fought against King Charles I and his supporters, the Cavaliers (Royalists), who claimed absolute power and the divine right of kings. The goal of the Roundhead party was to give the Parliament supreme control over executive administration.

Most Roundheads appear to have sought a constitutional monarchy, in place of the absolutist monarchy sought by Charles I. However, at the end of the Civil War in 1649, public antipathy towards the king was high enough to allow republican Roundhead leaders such as Oliver Cromwell to abolish the monarchy completely and establish the republican Commonwealth. The Roundhead commander-in-chief of the first Civil War, Lord Fairfax, remained a supporter of constitutional monarchy, as did many other Roundhead leaders such as Edward Montagu and the Earl of Essex, however this party was outmaneuvered by the more politically adept Cromwell and his radicals, who had the backing of the New Model Army and took advantage of Charles' perceived betrayal of England by allying with the Scots against Parliament.
England's many Puritans and Presbyterians were almost invariably Roundhead supporters, as were many smaller religious groups such as the Independents. However many Roundheads were Church of England, as were many Cavaliers.
Roundhead political factions included Diggers, Levellers and Fifth Monarchists.
Origins and background
Some of the Puritans, but by no means all, wore their hair closely cropped round the head, or flat, and there was thus an obvious contrast between them and the men of courtly fashion with their long ringlets.
During the war and for a time afterwards Roundhead was a term of derision—in the New Model Army it was a punishable offence to call a fellow soldier a Roundhead. This contrasted with the term Cavalier to describe supporters of the Royalist cause. Cavalier also started out as a pejorative term—the first proponents used it to compare members of the Royalist party with Spanish Caballeros who had abused Dutch Protestants during the reign of Elizabeth I—but unlike Roundhead, Cavalier was embraced by those who were the target of the epithet and used by them to describe themselves.
Roundheads appears to have been first used as a term of derision toward the end of 1641, when the debates in Parliament in the Bishops Exclusion Bill were causing riots at Westminster. One authority said of the crowd which gathered there, "They had the hair of their heads very few of them longer than their ears, whereupon it came to pass that those who usually with their cries attended at Westminster were by a nickname called Roundheads". The demonstrators included London apprentices and Roundhead was a term of derision for them because the regulations to which they had agreed included a provision for closely cropped hair.

According to John Rushworth the word was first used on 27 December 1641 by a disbanded officer named David Hide, who during a riot is reported to have drawn his sword and said he would "cut the throat of those round-headed dogs that bawled against bishops".
A Roundhead by John Pettie
However, Richard Baxter ascribes the origin of the term to a remark made by Queen Henrietta Maria at the trial of the Earl of Strafford earlier that year; referring to John Pym, she asked who the Roundheaded man was.
The principal advisor to Charles II, the Earl of Clarendon remarked on the matter, "and from those contestations the two terms of Roundhead and Cavalier grew to be received in discourse, ... they who were looked upon as servants to the king being then called Cavaliers, and the other of the rabble contemned and despised under the name of Roundheads."

A Roundhead inquisitor asks a son of a Cavalier "and when did you last see your father?" — William Frederick Yeames (1878).
Ironically, after Anglican Archbishop Laud made a statute in 1636 instructing all clergy to wear short hair, many Puritans rebelled to show their contempt for his authority and began to grow their hair even longer (as can be seen on their portraits) though they continued to be known as Roundheads. The longer hair was more common among the "Independent" and "high ranking" Puritans (which included Cromwell), especially toward the end of the Protectorate, while the "Presbyterian" (i.e. non-Independent) faction, and the military rank-and-file, continued to abhor long hair. By the end of this period some Independent Puritans were again derisively using the term Roundhead to refer to the Presbyterian Puritans.
Roundhead remained in use to describe those with republican tendencies up until the Exclusion Bill crisis of 1678–1681; the term was then superseded by Whig, initially another term with pejorative connotations. Likewise during Exclusion Bill crisis, the term Cavalier was replaced with Tory, a term introduced by the opponents of the Tories, and also initially a pejorative term.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


Oliver Cromwell

The first English Civil War (1642–46)

1643: Civil War in the South-West
1643: Civil War in Yorkshire
1643: Civil War in Lincolnshire
1643: Civil War in the Midlands
1643: The Welsh Border: Highnam & Ripple Field
1643: Siege of Reading & Chalgrove Field
1643: Lansdown Hill & Roundway Down
1643: The Sieges of Bristol & Gloucester
1643: First battle of Newbury
1643: Civil War in North Wales and the Marches
1643: Civil War in the South
1643-4: The Nantwich Campaign
1643-4: Civil War in Pembrokeshire

Siege of Reading

The Siege of Reading refers to the English Civil War military campaign waged to besiege a Royalist garrison quartered in the town of Reading, Berkshire from 4 November 1642 to 25 April 1643.

In late October 1642, King Charles returned to Oxford from the indecisive Battle of Edgehill (23 October). On 4 November, he entered Reading from Oxford and later that month retired leaving a Royalist garrison, of 2,000 foot soldiers and a cavalry regiment, under Sir Arthur Aston.
The town and townspeople suffered many privations due to the demands of the garrison for money and lodging.
On 13 April 1643, the Earl of Essex at the head of a Parliamentary army of 16,000 men left Windsor and laid siege to Reading using cannon. Despite attempts by the King and Prince Rupert to lift the siege, the Royalist garrison surrendered on 26 and 27 April 1643.
Reading stayed a Parliamentary possession for the remainder of the Civil War, except for a single Royalist incursion.
Battle of Chalgrove

The Battle of Chalgrove was a small battle during the English Civil War in the county of Oxfordshire. It took place around 09:00 hours on the morning of 18 June 1643 in Chalgrove Field, northeast of Chalgrove in Oxfordshire. It was a minor Royalist victory and is notable for the mortal wounding of Parliamentarian Colonel John Hampden, who died six days later of his wounds.

Acting on information from Colonel John Hurry, who had recently defected from the Parliamentarians, Prince Rupert took 1,800 men on the night of 17 June on a raid to harass the Earl of Essex's army and attempt to capture his payroll of £21,000. On the morning of 18 June, Prince Rupert's force surprised and destroyed Parliamentarian garrisons at Postcombe and Chinnor. The pay convoy evaded Rupert, and Parliamentarian troops led by Sir Philip Stapleton and Colonel John Hampden pursued Rupert back towards Oxford. At Chalgrove, about 10 miles (16 km) southeast of the city, Rupert ordered his infantry ahead while his cavalry set an ambush.

The battle
The Parliamentarian horse closed quickly before the ambush could be set, leaving the two sides separated only by a large hedge. Leading the charge, Rupert

... set spurs to his horse, and first of all, in the very face of the [enemy], lept the hedge that parted [him] from the Rebells.

The Royalist troopers quickly followed and routed the Parliamentarians in the short, sharp engagement which followed. During this fight, John Hampden was mortally wounded in the shoulder (some sources claim by two carbine balls, others by shrapnel from his own pistol exploding).

John Hampden retired to Thame where he died six days later.

Poor Hampden is dead ... I have scarce strength to pronounce that word.

—Anthony Nicholl, M.P., on hearing the news.

Following Chalgrove, Colonel Hurry led another raid a week later which swept around Essex's army and plundered Wycombe. This led to sharp criticism of Essex in London, and he offered his resignation, which was refused.
Storming of Bristol

The Storming of Bristol took place on 26 July 1643, during the First English Civil War. The Cavalier (Royalist) army under Prince Rupert of the Rhine, King Charles's nephew and Lieutenant General, captured the important city and port of Bristol from its weakened Roundhead (Parliamentarian) garrison. The city remained under Royalist control until near the end of the war.

During the mid-17th century, Bristol had been one of the most important cities in England, second only to London in wealth. The Royalists had failed to secure it when the Civil War began, leaving it under Parliamentarian control although there were many Royalist sympathisers within the city. In July 1643, the city's garrison was weakened when several of its units were detached to reinforce a Parliamentarian field army under Sir William Waller. On 13 July, Waller's army was destroyed at the Battle of Roundway Down.
The Royalists quickly realised that this presented them with a great opportunity to capture important Parliamentarian-held towns in the south-west of England. Only two days after the battle, Prince Rupert marched from Oxford, the Royalists' wartime capital, with a large army. He also sent orders to the Royalist Western Army which had been victorious at Roundway Down, now under the command of his younger brother Prince Maurice, to march against Bristol from the south while he himself advanced on the city from the north.

The Parliamentarian defenders of Bristol were commanded by Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes. His garrison consisted of 300 cavalry and 1,500 infantry, plus some badly-armed town militia. The fortifications consisted of an inner line immediately surrounding the city and resting on the River Avon and River Frome, and an outer line about 500 yards outside the inner line.
  To the south and east the outer line was a continuous curtain wall and ditch on low-lying ground; to the north and west, it consisted of a chain of forts and batteries resting on the high ground overlooking the city, linked by a low earth wall. A total of 100 guns were distributed along the defences.

Royalist plan

Rupert personally led a reconnaissance of the defences to the north of the city on 23 July. There were some clashes between Royalist parties left on Clifton Hill and Parliamentarian sorties. The Parliamentarians were beaten off.

The Royalists invested Bristol on the morning of 24 July. Rupert formally summoned the city to surrender, but the summons was refused. He then crossed the Avon to confer with Maurice and his officers. There was some dissension. Maurice, with his Cornish infantry faced the stronger defences south of Bristol and preferred to undertake a formal siege and bombardment. Rupert however, believed that the defences to the north were vulnerable to a storming attempt, given the weak state of the garrison.

Eventually, Rupert prevailed, and the attack was planned to begin early on 26 July. The signal for the attack would be a salvo from a Royalist battery facing the Prior's Hill Fort at the northern point of the defences.
In the event, the attack was disjointed. The eager Cornish infantry attacked prematurely at 3 a.m., forcing Rupert to fire the signal to attack earlier than he intended.
The Cornish infantry attacked in three columns. They rolled carts and wagons into the ditch in front of the wall to fill it and allow them to cross. The ditch was too deep for this to succeed, but the Cornish used faggots and scaling ladders to continue the attack. They nevertheless suffered heavy casualties, all three attacking column commanders being killed, and were eventually driven back.


Rupert's attackers consisted of three brigades of infantry, with some dragoons. Lord Grandison's brigade attacked the Prior's Hill fort and a nearby redoubt at Stokes Croft, but was repulsed. Grandison himself was killed. Sir John Belasyse's brigade also was unsuccessful at Colston's Mount. Rupert had a horse killed under him while rallying some of Belasyse's infantry.
The brigade under Colonel Henry Wentworth was more successful. Led by dragoons under Colonel Henry Washington, they penetrated up a re-entrant between the Brandon Hill and Windmill Hill forts and found that once against the defences between these two forts they were in "dead ground", safe from fire from the forts. They threw grenades over the wall to drive back the defenders, while they pulled down the wall using halberds and partisans. Once they were inside the defences, Fiennes's cavalry tried to counter-attack, but flinched when they faced Royalists wielding "fire-pikes"; pikes to which large fireworks were attached, an early form of flamethrower.
Map of the fortifications in 1644
Wentworth's brigade pushed forward towards the inner defences, followed by Belasyse's brigade and Colonel Arthur Aston's regiment of cavalry. They captured another strongpoint, the "Essex Work", when the defenders panicked.
There was severe fighting for two hours around the Frome Gate, part of the inner defences, as some of the townswomen tried to improvise a barricade of woolsacks behind the gate.
  Surrender and Aftermath
Rupert had sent for the Cornish infantry to reinforce the attack, but at about 6:00 pm, Fiennes asked for terms. Rupert granted easy conditions; the defenders were allowed to march out with their personal property, while their officers (and the cavalry troopers) were allowed to keep their arms. Undisciplined Royalists nevertheless plundered the defenders when they marched out on 27 July.
The Royalists secured immmense amounts of booty, in particular munitions of war. Eight armed merchant ships were captured, which later formed the nucleus of a Royalist fleet. The workshops of Bristol eventually re-equipped the entire Royalist army with muskets.
Nathaniel Fiennes was tried by Parliament and sentenced to death, but reprieved.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Siege of Gloucester

The Siege of Gloucester was an engagement in the First English Civil War. It took place between 3 August and 5 September 1643, between the defending Parliamentarian garrison of Gloucester and the besieging army of King Charles I. The siege ended with the arrival of a relieving Parliamentarian army under the Earl of Essex. The Royalist forces withdrew, having sustained heavy casualties and had several cannon disabled as a result of sallies made by the defenders.

The siege took place after a run of Royalist successes, known as the "Royalist summer". After the fall of Cirencester, Gloucester was one of the few remaining Parliamentarian strongholds in the west. During a council of war at Bristol, the King faced a decision to either attack a weakened London, or to consolidate the South Western Royalist stronghold by attacking the small garrison at Gloucester.
Although the reasons for his decision are not known, Gloucester's position cutting the overland route between Royalist-held Wales and Cornwall made it a favourable target, and with the city having only a very small garrison the King may have believed that Gloucester would fall quickly.
Five days before the arrival of the Royalist army the defenders had discovered they were to be attacked and messengers were sent to London to ask Parliament for assistance.
  The Siege
On 10 August, the Royalist Army arrived at Gloucester and promptly demanded that Colonel Edward Massey surrender. Massey refused and Royalist forces began digging in and setting up artillery batteries around the South and East gates of the city and also severed or diverted water pipes. The defenders burned houses and other obstacles outside the city walls. The bombardment of the city began.
However, over the next days, the defenders made several sallies from the gates, attacking and disabling Royalist artillery, taking prisoners and tools. Breaches in the wall were filled with cannon baskets and wool sacks. The Royalists made attempts to drain the city moat and fill it in at places. As the siege was prolonged, the King himself requested his favourite Prince Rupert, who was currently holding the newly captured port of Bristol, to acquire a newly-built cannon from his friends and associates in the Low Countries.
This was done post-haste and this huge cannon was shipped over to Bristol and escorted up the Severn Channel to Gloucester, to be positioned just outside the city walls (actually on the high wall of Llanthony Secunda priory in Hempsted), aimed at the Cathedral itself.
Unfortunately for the King, his gunners had no experience of firing the brand new gun, especially one larger than they had ever used before, and, on its initial firing, the cannon exploded. With this failure and the excessive time spent trying to take Gloucester, the King had given Parliament enough time to gather huge London forces to march to its relief.
On 26 August the Earl of Essex left London with an army of 15,000 men to relieve the City. Meanwhile, the Royalist Army began tunnelling to place a mine under the East Gate, but a sudden spell of bad weather flooded the tunnel, leaving enough time for the Earl of Essex to arrive and reinforce the city.
By the end of the siege, Colonel Massey had only three barrels of gunpowder left for the defence of the City.
With the Arrival of the Earl of Essex, the Royalists forces withdrew and began to march on towards London. They intercepted Essex's army at the First Battle of Newbury, but failed to destroy it. For the remainder of the war, Massey's force based in Gloucester continually threatened the lines of communication between Oxford, the King's wartime capital, and Wales and the West Country.
Following the return of Charles II to the throne, the king took his revenge upon the city by having its walls torn down. The foundations of the wall, however, are still visible in parts of the city today.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

First Battle of Newbury

The First Battle of Newbury was a battle of the First English Civil War that was fought on 20 September 1643 between a Royalist army, under the personal command of King Charles, and a Parliamentarian force led by the Earl of Essex.

Following a year of Royalist successes in which they took Banbury, Oxford and Reading without conflict before storming Bristol, the Parliamentarians were left without an effective army in the field. When Charles laid siege to Gloucester, Parliament was forced to muster a force under Essex with which to beat Charles's forces off. After a long march, Essex surprised the Royalists and forced them away from Gloucester before beginning a retreat to London. Charles rallied his forces and pursued Essex, overtaking the Parliamentarian army at Newbury and forcing them to march past the Royalist force in order to continue their retreat.

Essex reacted by making a surprise attack on the Royalist lines at dawn, capturing several pieces of high ground and leaving Charles on the back foot. A series of Royalist attacks led to large number of casualties and the slow retreat of Essex's force, which was driven from the central hill and almost encircled; Essex succeeded in rallying his infantry, however, and pushed forward in a counter-attack. The slowing of this counter-attack in the face of the Royalist cavalry forced Essex to send for reinforcements, who, while marching to him, were attacked and forced to retreat.
  This left a hole in the Parliamentarian line, dividing the army into two wings through which the Royalists hoped to pass, splitting the Parliamentarians and allowing Charles's troops to encircle and defeat the enemy. In line with this, the Royalists moved forward to press the attack, but were forced to halt by the London Trained Bands. With night falling, the battle ended, and both exhausted armies disengaged. The next morning, low on ammunition, the Royalists were forced to allow Essex to pass and continue his retreat to London.
Reasons for the Royalist defeat include shortage of ammunition, the relative lack of professionalism of their soldiers and the tactics of Essex, who compensated "for his much lamented paucity of cavalry by tactical ingenuity and firepower", countering Rupert's cavalry by driving them off with mass infantry formations. Although the numbers of casualties were relatively small (1,300 Royalists and 1,200 Parliamentarians), historians who have studied the battle consider it to be one of the most crucial of the First English Civil War, marking the high point of the Royalist advance and leading to the signing of the Solemn League and Covenant, which brought the Scottish Covenanters into the war on the side of Parliament and led to the eventual victory of the Parliamentarian cause.
After the failure of Parliamentarian forces to gain a conclusive victory at the Battle of Edgehill in 1642, the Royalist armies had advanced on London, capturing Banbury, Oxford and Reading without conflict. On 13 November they faced the Earl of Essex at the Battle of Turnham Green, with Charles's advisers persuading him to retreat to Oxford and Reading. After Essex besieged Reading and Charles's armies failed in their attempts to relieve the town, a stalemate occurred on the front; Essex's army could not directly engage with the Royalists at Oxford due to disease in the ranks, while Charles was prevented from advancing due to the exhaustion of supplies and ammunition after the failed expedition to Reading. Despite this setback, the war was turning increasingly in favour of the Royalists. The early months of 1643 saw a "crushing" defeat of the Parliamentarians at the Battle of Adwalton Moor, while the Battle of Roundway Down left Parliament without an effective army in the west of England, the lack of which allowed the Royalists under Prince Rupert to storm Bristol with the Western Army and Oxford Army. The result was that Parliamentarian forces were depleted and appeared to be losing; Essex's army was the only significant one left in the field, and it suffered from reduced morale due to the defeats inflicted on Parliament by Royalist forces elsewhere in the war.
Despite this, Royalist forces were significantly depleted by the battle at Bristol. Suffering over 1,000 men dead, and having exhausted their supplies, the armies were forced to regroup. Even considering this, the capture of Bristol is considered the high-water mark for the Royalist cause during the First English Civil War. With the city captured, however, an immediate dispute occurred over who was to govern it, and this led to Charles travelling there on 1 August to take personal command of the Royalist forces. Upon arriving he called his Council of War together to discuss their next move, the primary questions at hand being "first, whether the armies should be united, and march in one upon the next design? And then, what the design should be?". The Western Army, although still strong, refused to advance further to the East due to the presence of Parliamentarian forces within Dorset and Cornwall; the Army's commanders felt that, if they tried to push for such a move, their forces would either mutiny or simply desert.

Because of this unrest, it was quickly resolved that the Western Army would remain an independent fighting force and remain in Dorset and Cornwall to "mop up" the remaining Parliamentarians. Accordingly, the Western Army, commanded by Lord Carnarvon, remained in the region, capturing Dorchester in a bloodless victory on 2 August. Prince Maurice left 1,200 infantry and approximately 200 cavalry to garrison Bristol before marching to Dorchester and personally taking command. The greater issues were what to do with the Oxford Army and what the "next design" of the Royalist campaign would be. Rupert's strategy was to advance through the Severn Valley and capture Gloucester, which would allow Royalist forces in South Wales to reinforce Charles's army and thus allow for an assault on London. Another faction, however, argued that London could be captured with the army as it was, and that Gloucester would serve as a distraction from the main goal of the campaign.
Prince Rupert of the Rhine, whose capture of Bristol
represented the high-water mark for the Royalist cause.
By 6 August, it was clear that Rupert's strategy would be abandoned; instead, an alternate means of capturing the city was considered. During the early stages of the war, the loyalty of combatants on both sides, particularly that of professional soldiers, had been flexible. Gloucester was led by Edward Massie, a non-partisan mercenary who only took a job with the Parliamentarians after he was refused a significant Royalist command. At the same time, it was felt that there was "a strong if so far silent party of Royalist sympathisers in the city", while the governor of Sudeley Castle was reporting that Gloucester's soldiers had stated they would not resist a Royalist advance. Given this, the Council of War decided to march on Gloucester — not to besiege it or capture it by force, but to capture it by having the governor betray the city beforehand. William Legge, who had served with Massie in the Bishops' Wars, contacted him and asked him to "surrender Gloucester to his lawful sovereign". Although this message was rebuffed, Legge's messenger reported that he had met Massie a second time in secret, and had been asked to tell Legge that Massie was willing to surrender the town to the King. As a result of this, on 7 August Charles and the Oxford Army marched to Gloucester.
Charles's main force began marching on 7 August and reached the village of Painswick a day later; however, Rupert's cavalry screen had already advanced and taken the village. Charles himself did not accompany the force, but instead rode across the Cotswolds to Rendcomb, where he met reinforcements from Oxford on 9 August. On the morning of 10 August, the Royalist army marched to Gloucester itself and besieged the city with approximately 6,000 infantry and 2,500 cavalry. With the force assembled, Charles sent a group of heralds, escorted by 1,000 musketeers, forward at approximately 2pm, at which point they read out the King's demands to a meeting of 26 local Council and garrison officers, including Massie. The King's announcement was that if the officers submitted, he would pardon all the officers, prohibit his army from causing any damage to the city, and leave only a small garrison behind. If they did not, he would take the city by force, and the inhabitants would be responsible "for all the calamities and miseries that must befall them". Despite earlier claims that Massie would surrender, he did not; a short time later, a refusal of the offer was drawn up and unanimously signed by the officers. The reasons for Massie's failure to surrender the city, despite the feelers he put out to Royalist contacts, are unknown.
At this point, Charles called another Council of War to discuss the situation. It was resolved that Gloucester must still be taken; if it was left in Parliamentarian hands, it would act as a break in lines of communication should the Royalists advance further east towards London. In addition, Charles's personal reputation had been sullied — travelling so far and yet not taking Gloucester would impact on the respect and prestige accorded to him, about which he was "notoriously sensitive".

Based on reconnaissance, Charles's officers were confident that the garrison's food and ammunition would not last long; they argued that the city could be taken in less than 10 days, with Parliament lacking an effective army to relieve the city. If Essex's forces did not attack, the Royalists would take the city.
  If they did attack, they would be exhausted and, according to Royalist intelligence, far weaker than the Oxford Army, allowing Charles to destroy Parliament's one remaining significant force.
Under the direct command of the Earl of Forth, the Royalists laid siege to the city; Rupert had suggested a direct assault, but this proposal was not adopted due to fears of high casualties. By 11 August, the Royalist trenches were dug and the artillery prepared, despite Massie's attempts to disrupt work with musket fire. With this work done, there was no way out for the Parliamentarians; the only hope was to delay the Royalists long enough for a relief army to arrive. To this end, Massie ordered raids under the cover of darkness, with James Harcus, his second-in-command, leading a raid on the artillery trenches. In revenge the Royalists attacked the east of the city, but were driven off by cannon fire. 12 August saw more raids, this time during the day, which cost the Royalists 10 men and a supply depot, with no Parliamentarian losses. Despite this, the assaults did not disrupt Royalist preparations and by the evening they were able to start bombarding the town.
By 24 August, the Royalists, suffering from shortfalls in their stocks of gunpowder and cannonballs, remained unable to breach the walls. Essex, in the meantime, had been urgently preparing his army, which thanks to disease, indiscipline and desertion numbered less than 6,000 infantry and 3,500 cavalry. This was not a force strong enough to defeat the Royalists, and so he demanded an extra 5,000 soldiers; Parliamentarians in London responded by enlisting the London Trained Bands, which provided an additional 6,000 men. Taking into account additional problems and desertions, the eventual force was 9,000 footsoldiers and 5,000 cavalry. After being mustered on Hounslow Heath, the army began marching towards Aylesbury, arriving on 28 August. This force was formally mustered on 30 August, and after being reinforced by Lord Grey on 1 September at Brackley, marched to Gloucester. On 5 September, with heavy rain falling, the Parliamentarian army reached the town and camped on Prestbury Hill, immediately outside it; their presence forced the Royalists to abandon the siege given that neither army, wet and exhausted, was in a state to seek battle.
Charles's cautious failure to directly assault the town, putting a higher priority on minimising losses than on victory, had cost the Royalists dear; while claims for their number of dead and wounded men ranged from 1,000 to 1,500, only around 50 people inside the city were killed. Essex's force, on the other hand, was in relatively good shape; its one issue was the lack of supplies. If he stayed in the Severn valley, Essex would be unable to get reinforcements or outside aid, the London elements of the army would demand to go home, and the one remaining significant Parliamentarian force would find itself pinned down, while Charles, with secure bases at Oxford and Bristol, would be able to starve them into surrender while other Royalist armies ran rampant through Britain. Because of this, Essex had no choice but to try to return to London. Travelling back across the Cotswolds, as he had done to reach Gloucester initially, would expose the Parliamentarians to Charles's cavalry on open ground.
The first alternative was to march southeast to the River Kennet and cross it, going through Newbury and returning to Reading's fortifications, thus evading the Royalists and allowing for a safe retreat to London. The disadvantage to this was the time it would take to cross the relatively open land between Essex's position and the Kennet. The second, and the option Essex initially took, was to go north, either to make battle in more advantageous circumstances or to evade the Royalists. If Essex was able to cross to the west bank of the River Avon, he could secure the bridges across it and prevent the Royalists from crossing it and confronting his army. His cavalry advanced to Upton in order to screen the main force from Royalist interference on 11 September, with the rest of the soldiers quickly following. The Royalists were left wrong-footed; Charles did not discover Essex's retreat for another 24 hours, during which the gap between the armies widened.
  The Royalists finally began to march on 16 September, with Rupert's cavalry streaming ahead to try to disrupt the Parliamentarian retreat.

By 18 September, Rupert's force had caught up to the Parliamentarians outside Aldbourne. Essex had lost his advantage; Parliamentarian intelligence reports had convinced him that Charles was heading towards Oxford and had given up the campaign. In fact Charles was barely 14 miles (23 km) away, but the complacency such reports induced meant that one contemporary source stated the Parliamentarians were marching barely 5 miles (8.0 km) a day, allowing the Royalists to quickly catch up. Suitably chastened by the discovery of his error, Essex increased the pace of his retreat, with the Royalists pursuing closely. Both sides were heading for Newbury, on roughly parallel routes; the Royalists' route took them through Faringdon and Wantage, increasing the distance they would have to travel to 30 miles (48 km) while the Parliamentarians had to travel only 20. Charles reacted by dispatching Rupert and 7,000 cavalry in a flying column to disrupt and harass the Parliamentary retreat. Encountering Essex's forces at Aldbourne Chase, Rupert made battle; however, lacking enough troops to engage the Parliamentarians directly, he instead attacked a section of their army, causing chaos and crucially delaying Essex's march just enough for Charles's forces to close the gap.
The effect of Rupert's actions, even after his forces disengaged, was to force another delay in the Parliamentarian retreat; Essex spent much of 19 September looking after wounded soldiers and, when he finally managed to begin moving again, he was confronted with swampland and bog which further delayed him while the Royalists marched across the relatively open chalk downs above the Kennet.
These hardships meant that the Royalists arrived at Newbury before Essex, with both armies settling down for the night outside the town, too exhausted to immediately fight.
The landscape of the area around Newbury was a significant factor in the tactics of both sides during the resulting battle. Though the land was mostly open country, a crescent-shaped escarpment known as Biggs Hill sat between the Royalist and Parliamentarian forces. To either side of Essex's army lay open fields, while the battlefield was bracketed by the River Kennet on one side and the River Enbourne on the other, which neither side attempted to cross on foot. Essex's most obvious route of advance was to push past the Royalist forces, secure the bridge and return to London. Unfortunately, the open area approaching the bridge was a "killing ground"; soldiers would be entirely in the open and forced to march no more than six abreast, which would prevent Essex effectively deploying against a Royalist attack and leave the Parliamentarian's forces bunched up and subject to artillery fire. Even if Essex managed to cross the bridge, the other side of the river featured several hundred meters of waterlogged ground, which would slow his soldiers and leave them open to attack while necessitating the abandonment of the Parliamentarian artillery, a "major humiliation for a seventeenth-century army".

The only alternative to a bridge-based retreat would be to bypass Newbury completely by marching around the Royalists, but this would again involve moving through open fields and subjecting Essex's soldiers to the attacks of Royalist cavalry, who were described as greatly outnumbering the Parliamentarian cavalry.
  Confronting the Royalists directly would involve moving into ground described as containing "dense copses and unnumerable banked hedges with ditches flanking fields and lining sunken lanes"; while this would allow the troops to move in a concealed fashion, it would also make deployment difficult, and the numerous lanes would restrict movement in the heat of battle.

Order of Battle

There are no definitive orders of battle for Newbury, as official contemporary evidence is thin; it is possible to glean some information from both later official reports and contemporary accounts, which allow for a reconstruction of the likely disposition of each force. The Royalists were led by Charles I personally, with William Vavasour commanding the right wing, Prince Rupert the left, and Sir John Byron the centre. Artillery support consisted of 20 cannons in total: 6 heavy, 6 medium and 8 light. Initial Royalist and Parliamentarian estimates were of a force of around 17,000 men; modern estimates are of around 7,500 infantry, and 7,000 cavalry. Essex led the Parliamentarians, commanding both the entire force and, separately, the right wing; the left wing was commanded by Philip Stapleton. Artillery support was provided by two heavy cannons and around 20 light cannons; most of the heavy artillery was left at Gloucester to help defend the city. Estimates as to the total number of men vary between 7,000 and 15,000; John Barratt, noting the losses at Gloucester, estimates that Essex's force totalled around 14,000 men, with 6,000 cavalry and dragoons and 8,000 infantry.
Essex attacks
The battle began on 20 September; Essex's army was roused before dawn, and initial reports stated he had gone "from regiment to regiment...[putting] the question of a battle unto them". After consultation, the army advanced with "most cheerfull and courageous spirits" at around 7am. Divided into "three bodies of Foot, both lined and flanked with bodies of Horse", with a reserve behind them, the army was preceded by Stapleton's cavalry, which quickly cleared the Royalist pickets and allowed Essex's advance to Wash Common, a patch of open ground between the two forces. This march took approximately an hour due to the heavy clay soil being soaked from the previous night's rain; the open space before Biggs Hill, the objective of their march, allowed for a much welcome chance to regroup. Rupert had established a cavalry guard on Biggs Hill; while the size is unknown, it was large enough to attack the Parliamentarian horse head-on. Stapleton waited until the Royalists were close before firing, leading to the faltering of their charge and the advance of the Parliamentarian cavalry to drive them off with swords. The cavalry were unable to make further gains, having engaged only a small part of the Royalist horse and being unwilling to press their attack against the larger body.

By this point the Parliamentary right flank, under Philip Skippon, had begun assaulting the main Parliamentary objective — the nearby Round Hill. The official account suggests that the Parliamentarians "charged so fiercely that [they] beat [the Royalists] from the hill"; Royalist accounts, on the other hand, argue that the hill was actually completely undefended. The official account fails to mention casualties to either attackers or defenders, or what happened to the Royalist guns which were allegedly deployed on the hill. "Both sides' arguments have a ring of conviction but although Essex and his partisans seem to have been genuine in their belief that they had assaulted and captured a defended position, the facts suggest that the Royalist version was closer to the truth. In other words, the king and his generals had been caught napping". Regardless of what had happened, the capture of Round Hill gave Essex the advantage, allowing Skippon to position 1,000 musketeers on top of it to fire down into any Royalist advance.
  Royalist counter-attack
As a result of this quick advance, Charles found his army in chaos, with Skippon's force organised and flanking them. The Royalist council of war reconvened to discuss the events, and accounts suggest the meeting was acrimonious, with the fall of Round Hill described as "a most gross and absurd error". Rupert decided to try to contain both Essex and Skippon. Leaving two regiments of horse with Byron, he led the remainder of the cavalry to Essex's position on the left flank. Byron, in the meantime, was commanded to support an attack by the Royalist musketeers on Skippon's force, drawing his regiments up behind the infantry "ready to second them in case the enemy's horse should advance towards them". Rupert's advance has been criticised by both Parliamentarian and Royalist sources; instead of a small engagement, the stubbornness of the Parliamentary resistance forced Rupert to commit more and more forces to the fray, eventually turning a series of small engagements into a full-scale battle, with reinforcements gradually being drawn in. The terrain limited the localised advantage Rupert's forces had in numbers, but after three attacks Stapleton's brigade crumbled, allowing Rupert to hook around Essex's left flank, stop his advance and capture five pieces of artillery. This came at a cost; the Royalists took heavy casualties, and failed to completely break Essex's infantry. The infantry instead stubbornly retreated, allowing the Parliamentary cavalry to reorganise behind them. Even though his advance had been stopped, Essex was not yet beaten.

Byron's attack on Skippon's musketeers in the centre also went poorly. Pushing three regiments of foot forward, the force suffered similarly high casualties in an attempt to take Round Hill; after the attack stalled, the cavalry had to be called in to force it forward. Despite heavy losses due to the only avenue of advance being a narrow lane lined with Parliamentarian musketeers, this move succeeded in allowing Byron to take Round Hill, forcing the Parliamentarian infantry back to a hedge on the far side. The attack eventually lost momentum, and although Round Hill was taken, Byron was unable to advance any further. On the right flank, William Vavasour attempted to overwhelm the Parliamentary flank with a substantial brigade of foot, which included a small amount of cavalry support.
His initial attack was repulsed thanks to the Parliamentarian artillery opening fire, but a subsequent head-on attack forced Skippon's beleaguered force in the centre to send several regiments over to assist, with the fight turning into a bloody melee. Vavasour's force was eventually forced to retire, with the Parliamentarians failing to give ground.
Crisis and stalemate
After heavy fighting, the Royalists had succeeded only in pushing Essex's forces briefly back; they had given ground but not retreated from the battle, and his main force of infantry remained strong. In an attempt to proceed, Essex waved his infantry and light artillery forward. Rupert's cavalry was too weak to defend against this advance due to its large firepower, and he instead ordered two regiments of foot commanded by John Belasyse to halt Essex. The Parliamentarian records report they were "hotly charged by the enemies' horse and foot", who succeeded in forcing Essex slowly back, although the fight took four hours. In response, Essex called for Skippon to send him reinforcements; Skippon obliged by ordering a Mainwaring's Regiment of infantry to remove themselves from his line and march to replace some of Essex's exhausted soldiers. As soon as they arrived, they were charged by two bodies of cavalry and a regiment of infantry under John Byron, who forced the regiment to retreat; the Royalists hacked down the fleeing Parliamentarians and, according to Byron, his force "had not left a man of them unkilled, but that the hedges were so high the horse could not pursue them". Although the Royalists failed to press this attack due to the difficulty of manoeuvring cavalry in the field, and Essex briefly retook the ground, the loss of this infantry regiment opened a gap in the Parliamentarian line. If Rupert was able to drive through this gap, he would break Essex's army into two wings and be able to encircle them. Recognizing this possibility, he began redeploying the Royalist force: two regiments of cavalry and a regiment of infantry under his command would occupy Essex, while two regiments under Charles Gerard would push through the gap in the Parliamentarian line.
  Luckily for the Parliamentarians, Skippon saw this opening and ordered two regiments of the London Trained Bands to close the gap. Although they succeeded in bridging the gap between the two wings of Essex's force, there was no cover, and a Royalist battery of eight heavy guns drawn up on high ground began firing on them. Unable to move because of the necessity of their position, they were left enduring close-range fire "when men's bowels and brains flew in [their] faces", resisting two attacks by Royalist cavalry and infantry led by Jacob Astley. Historian John Day notes that records show most Trained Band casualties were hit in the head, while a survivor boasted that the artillery "did us no harm, only the shot broke our pikes"; evidently, in the heat of battle, the Royalist artillery were firing too high. Despite this, the Royalist artillery fire had taken its toll, and the Trained Band regiments were forced to retreat. The Royalists pursued, and only close-quarters musket fire allowed the militia to regroup without substantial losses. After regrouping, the militia was again attacked by two regiments of foot and two of cavalry, who despite surrounding the Londoners and dragging away a cannon were unable to break them.
At this point, both armies began to draw apart; although sporadic fighting continued as night fell, by midnight both forces had disengaged completely. Both army councils met; Essex's plan to force his way past the Royalists seemed feasible, and many Parliamentarians, loathe to give up the ground they had taken, fully expected the battle to continue. The Royalists, on the other hand, were plagued by poor morale, heavy losses and a lack of supplies, having used 80 of their 90 barrels of gunpowder. Although Rupert argued for the battle to continue, he was out-voted, and the next morning Essex was allowed to bypass the Royalist force without issue and continue his retreat towards London.
The Parliamentarian force, now free of Charles's army, retreated towards Aldermaston as quickly as possible and eventually made it to Reading and then London, where Essex received a hero's welcome. The Royalists, on the other hand were forced to spend the next day recovering their casualties, finding more than a thousand injured soldiers who were sent back to Oxford. After they finished recovering their dead and wounded men, the Royalists left 200 infantry, 25 cavalry and 4 guns in Donnington Castle to defend their rear and then marched to Oxford, having buried their dead senior officers in Newbury Guildhall. Casualties at Newbury eventually came to approximately 1,300 losses for the Royalists, and 1,200 for the Parliamentarians. The loss at Newbury was due to a multitude of factors; Day gives credit to the greater ability of Essex to conserve his force through the campaign, which put the Royalists at a numerical disadvantage by Newbury, and notes the Royalist overreliance on Cavalry, with Essex "[compensating] for his much lamented paucity of cavalry by tactical ingenuity and firepower", countering Rupert's cavalry by driving them off with mass infantry formations. The Royalists infantry were also outperformed, Essex's force retaining a high level of cohesiveness while the Royalists were described as relatively unprofessional; both Day and Blair Worden
  also give the paucity of ammunition and gunpowder as an important (and endemic) deciding factor in the success or failure of Charles' campaign.

Although the attention of historians is normally on the larger battles such as Edgehill and Marston Moor, several historians who have studied the period consider the First Battle of Newbury to be the defining moment of the First English Civil War, both as the high point of the Royalist advance and as the "one bright period of [Essex's] generalship". John Day writes that "Militarily and politically, Parliament's position at the beginning of October 1643 was demonstrably far stronger than in late July. With hindsight, the capture of Bristol was the high tide of King Charles' war, his best and only chance of ending the conflict on his own terms". John Barratt noted that the Royalists had failed in "what might prove to have been their best chance to destroy the principle field army of their opponents, and hopes of a crushing victory which would bring down the Parliamentarian 'war party' lay in ruins". The high Parliamentarian feelings after Newbury led to the signing of the Solemn League and Covenant, bringing a powerful Scottish army down to assault the Royalists. "Thanks to the failure...to win a decisive victory there, the English, Welsh, Scottish and Irish subjects of all of King Charles' Three Kingdoms would henceforth play a bloody price in a steadily widening and deepening war".
Sources and historiography
Malcolm Wanklyn has described the First Battle of Newbury as being "both the longest battle of the English Civil War and the one that historians have found the greatest difficulty in describing"; this is because there is no contemporary plan of the battlefield or record of the plans of each side while, conversely, there are diverse and contradictory accounts from both sides of the battle. An official Royalist account was written by Lord Digby on 22 September, which suffered from defects due to Digby's position away from the main fighting, and because it was designed "as a reflection on the battle's outcome, not a blow-by-blow description of what happened". Conversely, those written by officers who actively fought in the main arenas of the battle are very narrow in focus, for example, the accounts of Joshua Moone and John Gwyn, commoners who fought on Wash Common, and an anonymous tract from the perspective of a soldier who assaulted Round Hill.
On the Parliamentarian side, an official source was published a month after the battle; due to the circumstances of its publication and the high Parliamentarian morale after Newbury, it made no attempt to gloss over errors and was designed to "explain to a lay readership what had happened on the battlefield". A more narrow view was taken by Sergeant Henry Foster, who fought with the London Trained Band in their attempt to prevent the Royalists splitting Essex's army. The diary of Walter Yonge of Colyton also contains two reports written for the House of Commons by Essex's generals, including Stapleton, although the originals have been lost.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  Charles I of England

Henrietta Maria

English Civil Wars

Bishops’ Wars (1639-1640)
Battle of Edgehill
Battle of Marston Moor (1644)
Battle of Naseby
Treaty of Oxford

The Treaty of Oxford of 1643 was an unsuccessful attempt by the Long Parliament and King Charles I to negotiate a peace treaty.

On 28 January 1643, Charles, at the request of both houses, granted a safe-conduct for the earls of Northumberland, Pembroke, Salisbury and Holland, and five commoners (Sir John Holland, Sir William Litton, William Pierrepoint, Bulstrode Whitlock, Edmund Walker, Richard Winwood), carrying with them propositions from Parliament. The Earl of Northumberland read out Parliaments propositions and Charles replied with his conditions. After this initial meeting nothing more was done until March.

The demands of Parliament were the same in effect as the Nineteen Propositions they had put to him in York in June 1642 and Charles had never been less disposed to submit his claims to a compromise. In a letter to marquis Hamilton, 2 December 1642 "I have set up my rest upon the goodness of my cause, being resolved that no extremity or misfortune shall make me yield; for I will be either a glorious king or a patient martyr." Since then the fortunes of the Cavalier party had risen with a number of partial successes.

The perceived strength of the parliamentary position by the parliamentary commissioners been somewhat undermined by the interception of a letter from Lord Goring which gave a highly encouraging view of Cavalier progress. It boasted of large supplies of money from Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange and from France; of cannon, and arms for horse and foot, part of them sent by the King Christian IV of Denmark, some of which were already shipped for Newcastle, and the rest on the point of being embarked with the English queen Henrietta Maria. Three regiments of his majesty's subjects then serving in France,— Irish probably and Catholics,— were announced as ready to come if required, and confident expectations were expressed that the royal army would be enabled to support itself by subsidies forcibly raised upon the people throughout the kingdom; which, it was added, "are all encouragements to make us expect no treaties to be admitted, but upon terms of great honor and advantage to his majesty."

Charles's parting promise to the queen to come to no agreement unknown to her, was likewise constantly present to the memory of Charles. Various considerations however impelled him to encourage a renewal of the treaty; of which perhaps the principal was, the necessity of satisfying the importunities of those men of rank, fortune and character amongst his own adherents, whose deep stake in the country rendered them incessantly urgent for the restoration of tranquillity, and to whom he could not with safety avow his real sentiments and designs. The details supplied by Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon in his Life of himself leave no possibility of doubting the utter insincerity of the king throughout the negotiations.
  Between the first overtures in January and the further proceedings in March, the queen had landed from Holland, and the parliament had intercepted a letter written by her to the king immediately on her disembarkation, in which she expressed her apprehensions of a bad peace, and declared that she would never live in England if she might not have a guard for her person; and it was plain that the king had purposely protracted the business in expectation of her arrival.
The parliamentary commissioners on their second appearance at Oxford were reduced, by the king's refusal to receive lord Say, to five;—the Earl of Northumberland and four commoners. They were tied up so strictly by their instructions as to have no power to alter even a word in the articles, and only twenty days were allowed them; six to arrange a cessation of arms, and the rest to conclude the treaty. To the cessation the king, by the admission of Clarendon, was totally averse, thinking that if once he agreed to it, he should be unable to avoid consenting to the peace; and he therefor, by a kind of fraud upon his own official advisers, secretly directed "the gentlemen of different counties attending the court" to present him with an address against it. Hyde and other advisers who might have helped Charles negotiate a treaty where thus unable to do so.
The counter-statements of the parliament accuse the king of granting and then violating the armistice. The commissioners, however, proceeded to the treaty itself; and to smooth difficulties, Mr. Pierpoint, one of the number, secretly made a proposal, that the king should gain the earl of Northumberland favour, by a promise of restoring him after a peace to the office of lord admiral; but Charles professed himself too deeply offended at what he thought the ingratitude of that nobleman to consent. Meantime he continued to trifle the time with a show of irresolution.
The parliamentary commissioners were under strict instructions from Parliament to negotiate only with Charles directly. However he proved to be difficult to negotiate with as he frequently changed his mind between meetings with the parliamentary commissioners. Some subscribed these changes of mind to Charles being swayed by the different factions in court, others put it down to his own duplicity.
Tired at length of unprofitable discussions, Charles sent a final message to the Long Parliament, proposing that if they would restore all their expelled members, and adjourn their meetings to some place twenty miles from London, he would then consent to disband his armies and return speedily to his parliament, according to their demand. The two houses on receipt of a proposal which could scarcely be regarded as serious, ordered their commissioners to return without delay, which they did on 15 April, leaving the hopes of peace colder than ever.

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Louis XIII of France d.; succeeded by his five-year-old son Louis XIV (-1715)

Louis XIII of France in Coronation Robes
Louis-Dieudonné, Dauphin of France, in 1643
  Louis XIV of France

Maria Theresa of Spain
Marquise de Maintenon

Louise de La Vallière
Marquise of Montespan
Marie Angélique de Scorailles
Anne of Austria, the Queen Mother, invested with supreme power, confirms Mazarin Jules as first minister

Anne d'Autriche et le futur roi Louis XIV qui porte une plume au béguin
assortis à sa robe et son tablier richement ornés de broderies et de dentelles.
Battle of Rocroi

The Battle of Rocroi was fought on 19 May 1643 - mere days after the passing of Louis XIII of France that left his five-year old son Louis XIV of France on the throne - late in the Thirty Years' War. It resulted in a victory of the French army under the Duc d'Enghien, against the Spanish army under General Francisco de Melo. Further, it is considered the turning point of the perceived invincibility of the Spanish tercio.


The duc d'Enghien ordering his troops to stop fighting the Spanish, who have come to him to surrender. Galerie des Batailles
The Habsburg Spanish army of about 27,000 men, advanced from Flanders, through the Ardennes, and into northern France to relieve French pressure on the Franche-Comté and Catalonia. The Spanish troops set siege to Rocroi, which lay athwart the route to the valley of the Oise. The French, under the command of 21-year-old Louis, duc d'Enghien, reacted quickly and forced a battle before the arrival of 6,000 Spanish reinforcements. The Spanish failed to block the route to Rocroi, which passed through a defile bordered by woods and marsh. Enghien advanced through the defile and assembled his force along a ridge looking down on the besieged town of Rocroi. The Spanish quickly formed up between the town and the ridge. The French army, some 23,000 strong, was arranged with two lines of infantry in the centre, squadrons of cavalry on each wing and with a thin line of artillery at the front. The Spanish army was similarly arranged, but with its infantry in their traditional tercios, or squares. The two armies bivouacked in their positions for the night.
The battle began after dawn. The French army attacked, but the French infantry in the centre were bested by the Spanish. The cavalry on the French left, advancing against Enghien's orders, was also thrown back. But the cavalry on the French right, under the command of Jean de Gassion, routed the Spanish cavalry opposite. Enghien was able to follow this up by attacking the exposed left flank of the Spanish infantry. Spanish cavalry made a successful counter-attack to drive off the French cavalry, but were checked by the advance of the French reserve.
Enghien now carried out a huge cavalry encirclement, sweeping behind the Spanish army and smashing his way through to attack the rear of the Spanish cavalry that was still in combat with his reserves. The Spanish horse was put to flight, leaving the Spanish infantry to carry on the fight.
Duc d'Enghien at the Battle of Rocroi
The French were twice repulsed by the stubborn Spanish squares, so Enghien arranged for his artillery and captured Spanish guns to blast them apart.
The German and Walloon tercios fled from the battlefield, while the Spanish remained on the field with their commander, repulsing four cavalry charges by the French and never breaking formation, despite repeated heavy artillery bombardment. Young Enghien, the French commander, then offered surrender conditions just like those obtained by a besieged garrison into a fortress. Having agreed to those terms, the remains of the two tercios left the field with deployed flags and weapons.
Total Spanish losses were about 15,000 dead, wounded, or captured. French losses were about 4,000.

Map of the troop dispositions
The battle was an important propaganda victory for Mazarin and Enghien, the future "Great Condé" and represented a weakening of the besieged Spanish Low Countries. It was also of symbolic importance, as it was one of the few major battlefield defeats of a Spanish army in over a century and, moreover, a defeat of one its most famous units. It has been noted that Melo's German, Walloon, and Italian troops actually surrendered first, while the Spanish infantry surrendered only after standing hours of infantry and cavalry charges and a vicious spell under the French guns. They were given the treatment usually given to a fortress garrison and retired from the field with their arms, flags and honors. The French army ended the supremacy of the tercios at Rocroi.
  Military intervention by Bourbon France had proved a very different matter from the Valois contests of the previous century; it was the new nature and weight of French Absolutism which was now to encompass the downfall of Spanish imperial power in Europe. With the end of the French civil war, Cardinal Mazarin slowly turned the tide against the Spanish in France and the Low Countries. Mazarin's alliance with England resulted in the defeat of the Spanish Army of Flanders at the Battle of the Dunes and consequently the Peace of the Pyrenees.
Although Spain looked to be all-powerful in 1652, the peace settlement reflected the demise of Spain's mastery of Europe in the late 1650s.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Imperial envoys open peace conference at Munster and Osnabruck
Peace of Westphalia, 1648, general settlement ending the Thirty Years War. It marked the end of the Holy Roman Empire as an effective institution and inaugurated the modern European state system. The chief participants in the negotiations were the allies Sweden and France; their opponents, Spain and the Holy Roman Empire; and the various parts of the empire (which had been riven by the war) together with the newly independent Netherlands. Earlier endeavors to bring about a general peace had been unsuccessful. The compact known as the Peace of Prague (May, 1635) marked a step in the direction of peace and signaled the belief of the Protestant powers that the Swedish forces on which they depended would not be able to maintain a preponderant role in Germany. The conditions of the compact were not in accord with Richelieu's design to break up the imperial power, however, and the war continued despite offers of mediation from the pope and the king of Denmark. Congresses were proposed and discarded. It was not until Dec. 25, 1641, that a preliminary treaty provided for two concurrent conferences—at Münster and Osnabrück.

The conferences, fixed for 1643, met in 1644 and began serious work in 1645. The treaties were signed October 24, 1648.
  Thirty Years' War
Defenestration of Prague (1618)
Battle of White Mountain (1620)
Battle of Wimpfen (1622)
Battle of Stadtlohn (1623)

Siege of La Rochelle  (1627–1628)
Siege of Stralsund (1628)

Battle of Breitenfeld (1631)
Battle of Lutzen (1632)

Battle of Rocroi (1643)
Battle of Lens (1648)
Peace of Westphalia (1648)

Jacques Callot "Miseries of War"
Battle of Tuttlingen

The Battle of Tuttlingen was fought in Tuttlingen on November 24, 1643.

Those involved in the conflict were the French forces led by Marshal Josias Rantzau and the armies of the Holy Roman Empire and Spain led by Franz von Mercy. Technically, Mercy led a military force composed of Imperial, Spanish, Bavarian, and Lorrainer troops. Ultimately, Rantzau's forces were defeated by Mercy's surprise attack. After having suffered defeat, Rantzau's troops retreated back across the Rhine River into Alsace. Moreover, Mercy held both Rantzau and seven thousand French troops captive.
Cavalier newssheet "Mercurius Aulicus" published at Oxford every Sunday; Roundhead counterpart "Mercurius Britannicus" appears in London
"Mercurius Aulicus"

Mercurius Aulicus was one of the "most important early newspapers" in England, famous during the English Civil War for its role in Royalist propaganda.

The Mercurius Aulicus newspaper originated during the English Civil War from a suggestion by George Digby, a key advisor to King Charles I, that the Royalist faction needed a method for promoting their views in Parliament-held London. As a result the publication was established in January 1643 - it is variously termed either a newspaper or a newsbook - the latter being an alternative term for this form of weekly news publication in a quarto format.
John Birkenhead, a Fellow of All Souls College in Oxford, was appointed editor of the newspaper, receiving updates on events around the country from Digby's contacts, although his colleague
Heylin Peter appears to have done much of the practical editing himself. The Mercurius Aulicus was printed in Oxford, which was at this time during the war the Royalist capital, for a penny a copy, then smuggled into London where it was sold on by local women, often at heavily inflated prices. It was also reprinted on occasion - albeit not necessarily accurately - by local sympathisers in London itself. When logistics made it impossible to print a copy for several weeks, Birkenhead would resort to including gaps in page numbers and issues to give the impression that the reader had merely missed a specific copy that had no doubt been delivered elsewhere across the country satisfactorily.
Peter Heylin
Impact on the industry
The Mercurius Aulicus has been considered one of the 'most important early newspapers' in England. The newspaper revolutionised the industry in England, initiating the idea of popular journalism as a political tool for dividing and mobilising popular opinion. Prior to the Mercurius, newspapers had purported to portray facts, avoiding commentary on current events - by contrast, the Mercurius represented the Laudian, or more extreme, end of Royalist opinion, openly smearing and mocking its opponents in a way that was quite novel for the period.
Final days
The publication began to go downhill from 1644 onwards. As the Royalist defeats on the battlefield continued, the Oxford publication found it harder and harder to obtain current news and issues became badly delayed. The Mercurius Aulicus finally closed in 1645.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


"Mercurius Aulicus"

"Mercurius Britannicus"

Nedham Marchmont

Marchmont Nedham, also Marchamont or Needham (1620 – November 1678) was a writer, publisher, and political commentator of the middle seventeenth century. A "highly productive propagandist," he was significant in the evolution of early English journalism, and has been strikingly (if hyperbolically) called the "press agent" of Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell.

Nedham was born in Burford in Oxfordshire, and was educated at All Souls College of Oxford University. After college he became an usher at the Merchant Taylors' School, and then a clerk at Gray's Inn. He also studied medicine and pharmacology. His first major entry into journalism was the weekly Mercurius Britannicus, which he published every Monday from August 1643 through the end of 1646. His attacks on prominent Royalists earned him imprisonment for seditious libel during the English Civil War; reportedly Nedham obtained an audience with King Charles I, and gained a royal pardon. He thereafter printed a Royalist periodical, the Mercurius Pragmaticus, starting in September 1647 and continuing for two years. It was "one of the wittier and less ephemeral" of the "Cavalier weeklies."
The triumph of the Parliamentarians in the Civil War led to Nedham's incarceration in Newgate Prison in June 1649; he gained his release in November, by switching sides again. The result was his most significant enterprise, the weekly periodical Mercurius Politicus, which he used as a platform for the Commonwealth regime. (Nedham received a government payment of £50 in May 1650, probably to start this venture.) This third Nedham weekly began in June 1650, on a light note: "Why should not the Commonwealth have a Fool as well as the King had?" — but soon settled into a more serious vein as a voice of the republican movement of the day. He rested the case for the Commonwealth on arguments similar to those of Hobbes: that "the Sword is, and ever hath been, the Foundation of all Titles to Government", and that it was hardly likely that the Commonwealth's adversaries would ever succeed in their designs. Politicus continued for the next decade, the term of the Commonwealth era, under alternative titles like the Public Intelligence or Public Intelligencer. In 1655 Cromwell rewarded Nedham with an official post, so that Nedham was then perceived as a spokesman for the regime. Nedham was associated with a set of influential republican writers of his generation, a circle that included Algernon Sidney, Henry Nevile, Thomas Chaloner, Henry Marten — and John Milton. Milton, as a secretary to the Council of State in the early 1650s, would have overseen Nedham's publishing activity; later, the two men reportedly became personal friends.   Nedham was notable as an advocate of the commercial interests of emerging capitalism in preference to the pillars of the older order. In 1652, he wrote that commercial interest "is the true zenith of every state and person...though clothed never so much with the specious disguise of religion, justice and necessity." Consistent with this outlook, Nedham translated John Selden's Mare Clausum (1636) as Of the Dominion or Ownership of the Sea (1652).

With the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660, Nedham fled to the Netherlands, but was able to return to England after obtaining a pardon (allegedly purchased with a bribe). He devoted his later years to the practice of medicine, and also wrote on medical subjects.
In the next century, Nedham's name was used as a pseudonym by other republican political writers; both John Adams and Josiah Quincy Jr. published pieces signed "Marchmont Nedham" in the early 1770s.

Nedham's later reputation was colored by the apparent cynicism and opportunism of his wavering allegiances, and by hostility toward his republicanism from subsequent generations of English critics. Yet even some hostile critics have conceded his literary talent and his influence. Sympathetic modern commentator Paul Rahe has called Nedham "the world's first great journalist."

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Span. Minister of State, Olivares Count, loses his office

Gaspar de Guzmán y Pimental, count-duke de Olivares, (born January 16, 1587, Rome, Italy—died July 22, 1645, Toro, Spain), prime minister (1623–43) and court favourite (valido) of King Philip IV of Spain. He attempted to impose a strong centralizing policy and eventually provoked rebellion and his own fall.


Olivares, 1635 by Velázquez.
New England Confederation

New England Confederation, also called United Colonies of New England, in British American colonial history, a federation of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Haven, and Plymouth established in May 1643 by delegates from those four Puritan colonies.

Several factors influenced the formation of this alliance, including the solution of trade, boundary, and religious disputes, but the principal impetus was a concern over defense against attacks by the French, the Dutch, or the Indians. Because of their divergence from accepted Puritan precepts, settlements in what later became Rhode Island and Maine were refused admission to the confederation. According to its articles of agreement, the New England Confederation was to be “a firme and perpetual league of friendship and amytie,” and its government was to be composed of a directorate of eight commissioners, two from each colony. The commissioners were expected to meet annually or more often, if necessary. The articles authorized the commissioners to fix quotas for men and expenses during wartime, to arbitrate disputes with foreign powers or other colonies, to ensure extradition of escaped servants, prisoners, and other fugitives, and to regulate Indian affairs.   Six affirmative votes were required to approve the decisions of the confederation; failing that, the pending issue would be referred to the legislatures of the member colonies.

The New England Confederation did achieve some of its goals, but the alliance ultimately proved to be weak, since its decisions were only advisory and were often ignored by Massachusetts, its strongest member. The confederation’s influence declined with the merger of Connecticut and New Haven (1662–65), though it continued to exist until the Massachusetts charter was forfeited in 1684. The New England Confederation had represented the first significant effort by English colonists to form an intercolonial alliance for mutual benefit.

Encyclopædia Britannica

The Articles of Confederation of the United Colonies of New England. May 19, 1643

The Articles of Confederation between the Plantations under the Government of the Massachusetts, the Plantations under the Government of New Plymouth, the Plantations under the Government of Connecticut, and the Government of New Haven with the Plantations in Combination therewith:

1. Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and the same end and aim, namely, to advance the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ and to enjoy the liberties of the Gospel in purity with peace; and whereas in our settling (by a wise providence of God) we are further dispersed upon the sea coasts and rivers than was at first intended, so that we can not according to our desire with convenience communicate in one government and jurisdiction; and whereas we live encompassed with people of several nations and strange languages which hereafter may prove injurious to us or our posterity. And forasmuch as the natives have formerly committed sundry Insolence and outrages upon several Plantations of the English and have of late combined themselves against us: and seeing by reason of those sad distractions in England which they have heard of, and by which they know vie are hindered from that humble way of seeking advice, or reaping those comfortable fruits of protection, which at other times we might well expect. We therefore do conceive it our bounder duty, without delay to enter into a present Consociation amongst ourselves, for mutual help and strength in all our future concernments: That, as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be and continue one according to the tenor and true meaning of the ensuing articles: Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and between the parties or Jurisdictions above named, and they jointly and severally do by these presents agree and conclude that they all be and henceforth be called by the name of the United Colonies of New England.

2. The said United Colonies for themselves and their posterities do jointly and severally hereby enter into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity for offence and defence, mutual advice and succor upon all just occasions both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberties of the Gospel and for their own mutual safety and welfare.

3. It is further agreed that the Plantations which at present are or hereafter shall be settled within the limits of the Massachusetts shall be forever under the Massachusetts and shall have peculiar jurisdiction among themselves in all cases as an entire body, and that Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven shall each of them have like peculiar jurisdiction and government within their limits; and in reference to the Plantations which already are settled, or shall hereafter be erected, or shall settle within their limits respectively; provided no other Jurisdiction shall hereafter be taken in as a distinct head or member of this Confederation, nor shall any other Plantation or Jurisdiction in present being, and not already in combination or under the jurisdiction of any of these Confederates, be received by any of them; nor shall any two of the Confederates join in one Jurisdiction without consent of the rest, which consent to be interpreted as is expressed in the sixth article ensuing.

4. It is by these Confederates agreed that the charge of all just wars, whether offensive or defensive, upon what part or member of this Confederation soever they fall, shall both in men, provisions and all other disbursements be borne by all the parts of this Confederation in different proportions according to their different ability in manner following, namely, that the Commissioners for each Jurisdiction from time to time, as there shall be occasion, bring a true account and number of all their males in every Plantation, or any way belonging to or under their several Jurisdictions, of what quality or condition soever they be, from sixteen years old to threescore, being inhabitants there. And that according to the different numbers which from time to time shall be found in each Jurisdiction upon a true and just account, the service of men and all charges of the war be borne by the poll: each Jurisdiction or Plantation being left to their own just course and custom of rating themselves and people according to their different estates with due respects to their qualities and exemptions amongst themselves though the Confederation take no notice of any such privilege: and that according to their different charge of each Jurisdiction and Plantation the whole advantage of the war (if it please God so to bless their endeavors) whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be proportionately divided among the said Confederates.

5. It is further agreed, that if any of these Jurisdictions or any Plantation under or in combination with them, be invaded by any enemy whomsoever, upon notice and request of any three magistrates of that Jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the Confederates without any further meeting or expostulation shall forthwith send aid to the Confederate in danger but in different proportions; namely, the Massachusetts an hundred men sufficiently armed and provided for such a service and journey, and each of the rest, forty-five so armed and provided, or any less number, if less be required according to this proportion. But if such Confederate in danger may be supplied by their next Confederates, not exceeding the number hereby agreed, they may crave help there, and seek no further for the present: the charge to be borne as in this article is expressed: and at the return to be victualled and supplied with powder and shot for their journey (if there be need) by that Jurisdiction which employed or sent for them; but none of the Jurisdictions to exceed these numbers until by a meeting of the Commissioners for this Confederation a greater aid appear necessary. And this proportion to continue till upon knowledge of greater numbers in each Jurisdiction which shall be brought to the next meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in any such case of sending men for present aid, whether before or after such order or alteration, it is agreed that at the meeting of the Commissioners for this Confederation, the cause of such war or invasion be duly considered: and if it appear that the fault lay in the parties so invaded then that Jurisdiction or Plantation make just satisfaction, both to the invaders whom they have injured, and bear all the charges of the war themselves, without requiring any allowance from the rest of the Confederates towards the same. And further that if any Jurisdiction see any danger of invasion approaching, and there be time for a meeting, that in such a case three magistrates of the Jurisdiction may summon a meeting at such convenient place as themselves shall think meet, to consider and provide against the threatened danger; provided when they are met they may remove to what place they please; only whilst any of these four Confederates have but three magistrates in their Jurisdiction, their requests, or summons, from any two of them shall be accounted of equal force with the three mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till there be an increase of magistrates there.

6. It is also agreed, that for the managing and concluding of all Stairs and concerning the whole Confederation two Commissioners shall be chosen by and out of each of these four Jurisdictions: namely, two for the Massachusetts, two for Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and two for New Haven, being all in Church-fellowship with us, which shall bring full power from their several General Courts respectively to hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of our war, or peace, leagues, aids, charges, and numbers of men for war, division of spoils and whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving of more Confederates for Plantations into combination with any of the Confederates, and all things of like nature, which are the proper concomitants or consequents of such a Confederation for amity, offense, and defence: not intermeddling with the government of any of the Jurisdictions, which by the third article is preserved entirely to themselves. But if these eight Commissioners when they meet shall not all agree yet it [is] concluded that any six of the eight agreeing shall have power to settle and determine the business in question. But if six do not agree, that then such propositions with their reasons so far as they have been debated, be sent and referred to the four General Courts; namely, the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven; and if at all the said General Courts the business so referred be concluded, then to be prosecuted by the Confederates and all their members. It is further agreed that these eight Commissioners shall meet once every year besides extraordinary meetings (according to the fifth article) to consider, treat, and conclude of all affairs belonging to this Confederation, which meeting shall ever be the first Thursday in September. And that the next meeting after the date of these presents, which shall be accounted the second meeting, shall be at Boston in the Massachusetts, the third at Hartford, the fourth at New Haven, the fifth at Plymouth, the sixth and seventh at Boston; and then Hartford, New Haven, and Plymouth, and so n course successively, if in the meantime some middle place be not found out and agreed on, which may be commodious for all the Jurisdictions.

7. It is further agreed that at each meeting of these eight Commissioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, they or six of them agreeing as before, may choose their President out of themselves whose office work shall be to take care and direct for order and a comely carrying on of all proceedings in the present meeting: but he shall be invested with no such power or respect, as by which he shall hinder the propounding or progress of any business, or any way cast the scales otherwise than in the precedent article is agreed.

8. It is also agreed that the Commissioners for this Confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as they may have commission or opportunity, do endeavor to frame and establish agreements and orders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the Plantations are interested, for preserving of peace among themselves, for preventing as much as may be all occasion of war or differences with others, as about the free and speedy passage of justice in every Jurisdiction, to all the Confederates equally as to their own, receiving those that remove from one Plantation to another without due certificate, how all the Jurisdictions may carry it towards the Indians, that they neither grow insolent nor be injured without due satisfaction, lest war break in upon the Confederates through such miscarriages. It is also agreed that if any servant run away from his master into any other of these confederated Jurisdictions, that in such case, upon the ceritficate of one magistrate in the Jurisdiction out of which the said servant fled, or upon other due proof; the said servant shall be delivered, either to his master, or any other that pursues and brings such certificate or proof. And that upon the escape of any prisoner whatsoever, or fugitive for any criminal cause, whether breaking prison, or getting from the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the certificate of two magistrates of the Jurisdiction out of which the escape is made, that he was a prisoner, or such an offender at the time of the escape, the magistrates, or some of them of that Jurisdiction where for the present the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant such a warrant as the case will bear, for the apprehending of any such person, and the delivery of him into the hands of the officer or other person who pursues him. And if there be help required, for the safe returning of any such offender, then it shall be granted to him that craves the same, he paying the charges thereof.

9. And for that the justest wars may be of dangerous consequence, especially to the smaller Plantations in these United Colonies, it is agreed that neither the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, nor New Haven, nor any of the members of them, shall at any time hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this Confederation, or any part thereof in any war whatsoever (sudden exigencies, with the necessary consequents thereof excepted), which are also to be moderated as much as the case will permit, without the consent and agreement of the forementioned eight Commissioners, or at least six of them, as in the sixth article is provided: and that no charge be required of any of the Confederates, in case of a defensive war, till the said Commissioners have met, and approved the justice of the war, and have agreed upon the sum of money to be levied, which sum is then to be paid by the several Confederates in proportion according to the fourth article

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned by three magistrates of any Jurisdiction, or two as in the fifth article, ii) any of the Commissioners come not, due warning being given or sent, it is agreed that four of the Commissioners shall have power to direct a war which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of each Jurisdiction, as well as six might do if all met; but not less than six shall determine the justice of the war, or allow the demands or bills of charges, or cause any levies to be made for the same.

11. It is further agreed that if any of the Confederates shall hereafter break any of these present articles, or be any other ways injurious to any one of the other Jurisdictions; such breach of agreement or injury shall be duly considered and ordered by the Commissioners for the other Jurisdictions, that both peace and this present Confederation may be entirely preserved without violation.

12. Lastly, this perpetual Confederation, and the several articles and agreements thereof being read and seriously considered, both by the General Court for the Massachusetts, and by the Commissioners for Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, were fully allowed and confirmed by three of the forenamed Confederates, namely, the Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven; only the Commissioners for Plymouth having no commission to concludes desired respite until they might advise with their General Court; whereupon it was agreed and concluded by the said Court of the Massachusetts, and the Commissioners for the other two Confederates, that, if Plymouth consent, then the whole treaty as it stands in these present articles is, and shall continue, firm and stable without alteration: but if Plymouth come not in yet the other three Confederates do by these presents confirm the whole Confederation, and all the articles thereof; only in September next when the second meeting of the Commissioners is to be at Boston, new consideration may be taken of the sixth article, which concerns number of Commissioners for meeting and concluding the affairs of this Confederation to the satisfaction of the Court of the Massachusetts, and the Commissioners for the other two Confederates, but the rest to stand unquestioned.

In testimony whereof, the General Court of the Massachusetts by their Secretary, and the Commissioners for Connecticut and New Haven, have subscribed these present articles of this nineteenth of the third month, commonly called May, Anno Domini 1643.

At a meeting of the Commissioners for the Confederation held at Boston the 7th of September, it appearing that the General Court of New Plymouth and the several townships thereof have read, considered, and approved these Articles of Confederation, as appeareth by commission of their General Court bearing date the 29th of August, 1643, to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Collier to ratify and confirm the same on their behalf: we therefore, the Commissioners for the Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, do also from our several Governments subscribe unto them.


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